Election party in Montevideo Uruguay. Photo: Flickr user camerareporter

Is there a new generation of Latin American leaders who have moved beyond traditional labels, rather than isolating themselves in leftist and right-wing camps? Too early to tell, but two new presidents taking office in March, José Mujica of Uruguay and Sebastian Piñera of Chile, will be interesting case studies to follow.

Their backgrounds couldn’t be more different. Mujica, 74, is a former fighter of the Marxist Tupamaro movement and served almost 15 years in jail during military rule in Uruguay. Piñera is a 60-year-old billionaire businessman and holds a doctorate in economics from Harvard University.

But both men talk about consultation and working on sound economic programs rather than promoting radical politics from one side or the other. Mujica’s Broad Front Party—which itself has members from the traditional left and right–has governed since 2005 under President Tabaré Vázquez. Mujica shows every sign of maintaining a policy more in line with Brazil under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, than, say, President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela.

Both Mujica and Piñera have praised the Brazilian president as a model for pragmatic governance. Mujica said that he supports, for example, Lula’s decision to invite Iranian leader Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to Brasilia last year. “The more you fence in Iran, so much harder it will be for the rest of the world,” Mujica said in an interview with the Brazilian newspaper, Folha de Sao Paulo.

Life has taught me that you can’t surround, fence in someone. It’s a mistake. This forces the other side to react, to fight back…The world does not need any more wars. It needs solutions.

In a recent interview with Andres Oppenheimer of the Miami Herald, Piñera said that he was tired of the labels. Ostensibly, he is a conservative, a business leader assuming the Chilean presidency from a more moderate, even left-leaning incumbent, Michelle Bachelet. Piñera was a constant opponent of Chilean dictator Gen. Augusto Pinochet. He said that he rejects being categorized as being to the left or to the right.

Definitely, I will always be on the side of the defense of democracy
and human rights, which by the way, is a commitment that all Latin
American countries have made in the OAS Charter, which specifically
states that it is the responsibility of all countries to defend
democracy and human rights across the hemisphere.

- Peter Eisner

As part of the Worldfocus series Beyond the Headlines, Daljit Dhaliwal interviews Brazilian scholar Felipe Bruno Martins Fernandes about the status of gays and lesbians in Latin America.

He says that many governments in Latin America, prompted by the gay and lesbian community, have made great strides in combating homophobia.

See more Worldfocus coverage on Homosexuality Around the World.

Benjamin Gedan is a Fulbright research scholar living in Montevideo and studying the Uruguayan media. He writes at his blog, “Small State,” about one Uruguayan mall’s attempt to recreate a “white Christmas.”

Christmas in the southern hemisphere

“Esos son días de mucho comercio” (”These are big shopping days”), my taxi driver in Mendoza, Argentina, told me on the way to the bus station last Tuesday, explaining the large weekday crowds on San Martín, Sarmiento and Las Heras. The same was true this morning at the Villa Biarritz feria in Montevideo, Uruguay, where navigating past the clothing stalls to reach the fruit and vegetable stands was practically an Olympic event.

But aside from all the retail activity, it’s hard to remember that it’s Christmas time here in South America, what with everyone always heading for the beach. It turns out, it’s not just we Northern Hemisphere types that associate Christmas with winter. At the Punta Carretas mall in Montevideo, the Christmas display is dominated by polar bears, and during the twice-daily music show (highlighted by the Spanglish hit “Feliz Navidad”), fake snow drifts down from the ceiling.

Here’s a brief video I recorded showing Uruguayans’ only opportunity to experience a “white Christmas”:

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The views expressed by contributing bloggers do not reflect the views of Worldfocus or its partners.

People march at a gay rights parade in Buenos Aires.

Argentina was the first Latin American country to honor homosexual civil unions and has long been a popular destination for gay tourists — who represent a fifth of visitors to the country and spend an average of $250 a day in addition to hotel costs. Gay tourism has proven a boon to the country’s economy.

Benjamin Gedan is a Fulbright research scholar living in Montevideo and studying the Uruguayan media. He writes at his blog, “Small State,” about the thriving gay tourism industry in Argentina and Uruguay’s efforts to attract gay travelers.

Gay tourism leaves Buenos Aires awash in ‘pink dollars,’ Montevideo hoping for a piece

Serving up empanadas last Sunday in Montevideo so my visiting in-laws could meet some of my Uruguayan pals, my wife’s parents got more of an introduction to Uruguay than I had planned. I don’t recall how it came up, but a friend from Melo told a fascinating tale about gay life in her remote, rural hometown (Melo is near the border with Brazil, a good 390 kilometers, or 242 miles, from Uruguay’s capital, Montevideo). It turns out, we learned, Melo has a surprisingly active gay community and plenty of opportunities for discreet experimentation among supposedly straight, and occasionally married, locals. The Comunidad de Homosexuales de Cerro Largo has even asked that the city be proclaimed the “Capital Gay del Mercosur,” La República has reported. But according to guest-blogger Todd Martinez (see photo below), a Fulbright researcher in Montevideo, the rest of Uruguay has a long way to go if it wants to compete for gay tourists:

This month, the Economist reported on the importance of the “pink dollar” (gay tourism) to Argentina’s thriving tourist industry. They aren’t the first to notice: a year ago, The New York Times published a similar piece highlighting the opening of the Axel Hotel, a posh “heterofriendly” hotel in the San Telmo district of Buenos Aires. In 2008, Buenos Aires was named “Best International City” by the International Gay and Lesbian Travel Association thanks to its nightlife and progressive climate (same-sex unions were legalized in 2002). An estimated one in five tourists to the city is gay, and considering gay tourists spend $250 a day in addition to lodging, far more than their straight counterparts, it’s safe to say that Buenos Aires’ bet on the pink dollar is paying off.

So it’s no wonder that neighboring Uruguay also wants a piece of the action. Tourism is one of Uruguay’s most important industries, and for luring the pink dollar, Uruguay seems to have some key elements in place: progressive politics (gay common law unions were legalized in 2007); beautiful beaches; a fantastic price-to-quality ratio; and the same Mediterranean gene pool that gives Argentina its reputation as a country of supermodels. But “gay tourism” hasn’t spilled over into Uruguay for a number of reasons.

First of all, Montevideo’s gay venues don’t hold a candle to the gay megadiscos, cafes and spas of Buenos Aires, and a large portion of gay Uruguayans seem disinclined to patronize the few venues that do exist.

Also, while they come from the same stock as Argentines, Uruguayans lack the seductive panache that makes Argentine men and women that country’s greatest tourist attraction.

To read more, see the original post.

The views expressed by contributing bloggers do not reflect the views of Worldfocus or its partners.

Photo courtesy of Flickr user alitow under a Creative Commons license.

President Tabaré Vázquez vetoed a bill that would have legalized abortion in Uruguay. Photo: Presidencia de la Republica Oriental del Uruguay

President Tabaré Vázquez used his veto pen to stop a bill that would have legalized abortion in Uruguay, keeping the procedure illegal.

Uruguay has been secular for much of its history, unlike many other Latin American nations. The bill had passed in the Uruguayan House and Senate, but parliament did not gain the three-fifths support necessary to override Vázquez ’s veto. The president, a doctor, cited “the reality of the existence of human life in the gestation period” in his explanation for the veto.

Benjamin Gedan is a Fulbright research scholar living in Montevideo and studying the Uruguayan media. He writes at his blog, “Small State,” about the ongoing Uruguayan abortion debate.

In secular Uruguay, abortion still a criminal act

At first glance, the decision by Uruguayan President Tabaré Vázquez to veto legislation legalizing abortion in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy is surprising. After all, the president’s own party, the Frente Amplio, promoted the legislation in both the House and Senate. The very fact that abortion is illegal in Uruguay, by far the most secular country in Latin America, seems out of place. For example, in Mexico, where the Catholic Church is far more influential, the capital city legalized abortion in April 2007.

But what seems clear is that Uruguayans are far more comfortable skipping out on church on Sunday than accepting abortion. A recent poll by Interconsult found that only 57 percent of Uruguayans support the legalization of abortion, the BBC reported.

In a statement, Vázquez framed his objections in secular terms: “Los derechos son la ética de la democracia, la vida de todos es el bien primero por el que deben velar los gobiernos democráticos” (”Legal rights are the ethics of democracy, and human life is the primary object that democratic governments should value”). But as my Fulbright colleague and guest-blogger Todd Martinez has observed, Uruguayans, though hardly churchgoers, are not exactly atheists either. Read Todd’s take on the abortion debate here.

I’ve heard that Vázquez may ultimately come out in favor of a referendum on the abortion issue, or simply leave the issue to the next president. If the Frente Amplio wins the presidency for the second time and keeps control of Congress, Uruguay may very well end up with an abortion law that matches its global image. For now, however, women who have an abortion and the doctors who help them still face prison, and abortion is only allowed in cases of rape or if the life of the mother is in danger.

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The views expressed by contributing bloggers do not reflect the views of Worldfocus or its partners.

Brazil’s infrastructure has not kept up with its explosive economic growth over the past several years. Now, Brazil has embarked on a multi-billion dollar plan to correct the lack — a plan that has enormous implications for the country.

Brazil is the second largest producer of ethanol after the U.S., and expects to harvest 12 percent more cane than last year and increase exports by 25 percent. For more on worldwide use of ethanol and other fuel, see our map on global energy.

Producer Bryan Myers and correspondent Edie Magnus report on “Brazil Today” — a series that explores Brazil’s spiking conversion to Pentecostalism, its pioneering path toward energy independence and its improving — but expensive — roadways.

The Pentecostal growth in Brazil comes as the world’s largest Catholic community shrinks, according to the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life. Pentecostals often view their churchgoing experience as more personal and social activism — particularly outreach to the poor — as more common.

Producer Bryan Myers and correspondent Edie Magnus report from the Assembly of God New Zion church in Rio de Janeiro.

Below, see what bloggers are saying about religious shifts in Brazil and across South America.

The “My Brazilian Brasil” blog discusses the “dangerous” relationship between religion and politics in Brazil, writing about the possibility that a Pentecostal may soon become Rio de Janeiro’s mayor.

The “Upside Down World” Web site writes about the role of Pentecostal churches in poor urban neighborhoods in Brazil.

Todd Martinez, a Fulbright research scholar studying in neighboring Uruguay, explores the reasons behind increasing conversion across Latin America at the “Small State” blog.

Also watch PBS NewsHour’s report on the Protestant church’s impact on Latin America.