But there were nonetheless more scuffles as Palestinians tried to enter Jerusalem’s Old City to attend Friday prayers.

The recent upswing in violence was sparked by Israel’s decision to include two West Bank shrines on a list of national heritage sites.

This week, U.S. Vice President Joe Biden visited the region, meeting with both Israeli and Palestinian leaders to push the peace process forward.

To discuss the issues, Daljit Dhaliwal speaks with James Rubin, an adjunct professor at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs and a former assistant secretary of state in the Clinton administration, and Ian Bremmer, the president of Eurasia Group, in our weekly roundtable.

More than a decade after the war’s end, Bosnia and Herzegovina may once more be on the brink of conflict.

The 1992-1995 war in Bosnia left approximately 100,000 dead and divided Muslim, Serb and Croat communities.

Though the U.S.-brokered Dayton peace agreement brought an end to the war, the country remains divided, and officials worry that the peace agreement could soon collapse.

In late May, U.S. Vice President Joseph Biden visited Bosnia and voiced concerns, saying “To be very blunt with you, I personally, and the leadership of my country is worried…about the direction of your country and your future.”

Worldfocus.org’s weekly radio show explored the roots of conflict and Bosnia’s fragile peace, looking at life on the ground in the tension-filled country.

Worldfocus anchor Martin Savidge hosted a panel of guests:

Nenad Pejic is the Prague-based associate director of broadcasting for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. He has been the director of the South Slavic and Albanian Language Broadcast Service, and has worked as a Belgrade correspondent for Sarajevo Television.

Sarah Meharg is a senior researcher at the Pearson Peacekeeping Centre in Ottawa City, Canada. She has worked with the Canadian, American, and NATO forces through her research. Her most recent book, “Measuring What Matters in Peace Operations and Crisis Management,” focuses on the effectiveness of the international community’s peace operations.

Srecko Latal currently writes for the Balkan Insight think tank. He worked for the Associated Press as as the bureau chief during the Bosnian war. A multi-ethnic native of Sarajevo, Srecko has also worked for the European Union and the World Bank.

Credits:
Host: Martin Savidge
Producers: Lisa Biagiotti, Katie Combs and Nicole E. Foster

More than a decade after the war’s end, Bosnia and Herzegovina may once more be on the brink of conflict.

The 1992-1995 war in Bosnia left approximately 100,000 dead and divided Muslim, Serb and Croat communities.

Though the U.S.-brokered Dayton peace agreement brought an end to the war, the country remains divided, and officials worry that the peace agreement could soon collapse.

In late May, U.S. Vice President Joseph Biden visited Bosnia and voiced concerns, saying “To be very blunt with you, I personally, and the leadership of my country is worried…about the direction of your country and your future.”

Worldfocus.org’s weekly radio show explored the roots of conflict and Bosnia’s fragile peace, looking at life on the ground in the tension-filled country.

Thank you for your questions. Worldfocus anchor Martin Savidge hosted a panel of guests:

Nenad Pejic is the Prague-based associate director of broadcasting for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. He has been the director of the South Slavic and Albanian Language Broadcast Service, and has worked as a Belgrade correspondent for Sarajevo Television.

Sarah Meharg is a senior researcher at the Pearson Peacekeeping Centre in Ottawa City, Canada. She has worked with the Canadian, American, and NATO forces through her research. Her most recent book, “Measuring What Matters in Peace Operations and Crisis Management,” focuses on the effectiveness of the international community’s peace operations.

Srecko Latal currently writes for the Balkan Insight think tank. He worked for the Associated Press as as the bureau chief during the Bosnian war. A multi-ethnic native of Sarajevo, Srecko has also worked for the European Union and the World Bank.

A memorial for former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri, who was assassinated in 2005. Recently, Der Spiegel came out with a report linking Hezbollah to the assassination.

Lebanon will head to the polls on June 7 in an election that could alter the political fabric of the country, with Hezbollah and its allies poised to make significant gains.

Hezbollah is pitted against the current anti-Syria majority. For more on the rise of Hezbollah in Lebanese politics, watch the Worldfocus signature story: Hezbollah heads into mainstream Lebanese life and politics.

On a visit to Lebanon last week, U.S. Vice President Joe Biden — the highest-level U.S. official to visit Lebanon in over two decades — warned that U.S. aid would be dependent on the outcome of the elections.

For more, listen to our online radio show on Lebanon’s election.

Hezbollah is backed by Iran and Syria, while the U.S. and its allies support the current parliamentary majority. Thomas Strouse writes at the “Informed Comment” blog to break down these two competing groups:

The two major alliances currently in Lebanon, “March 8” and “March 14,” are relatively informal blocs which formed along with events which took place in 2005. Allies and sworn enemies have been known to make dramatic shifts in Lebanese politics over the years. If an opportunity presents itself for one part of the alliance to gain politically, the current alliance framework could easily shift, especially following the June elections.

The March 8 alliance dates back to March 8, 2005 when various pro-Syrian factions held a massive demonstration in downtown Beirut, standing in support of Syria and accusing the U.S. and Israel of meddling in Lebanon’s domestic affairs. The March 14 alliance dates back to March 14, 2005, the one-month anniversary of the assassination of Rafiq Hariri, when another major demonstration was held in downtown Beirut, demanding an end to the Syrian occupation of Lebanon.

In the 2005 parliamentary elections, which were held on four consecutive Sunday’s beginning on May 29, the March 14 alliance capitalized on the anger over the assassination of Hariri and the momentum that they were provided with after successfully pressuring for Syria’s withdrawal from Lebanon on April 26 of that year.

The elections in five weeks will demonstrate how much support the March 14 alliance has been able to sustain over the past four years.

Frida Ghitis at “World Politics Review” explores the potential effect of a Hezbollah victory:

In the short term, a victory at the polls by Hezbollah’s coalition would not make a big difference inside Lebanon. But that could change quickly. A sharp drop in aid and a return of open Syrian and Iranian involvement in the country’s domestic affairs would raise tensions and could ultimately tip Lebanon into violence. If Hezbollah were to find itself under pressure, it could conceivably divert attention by sparking a confrontation with Israel.

A number of flashpoints could easily trigger a new war, not least of which are the anti-aircraft missiles Hezbollah has been acquiring from Iran. With Israeli surveillance flights regularly crossing Lebanese airspace, the opportunity to use the missiles would present itself directly overhead.

Deen Sharp, a journalist based in Lebanon, wrote about Biden’s visit, concluding that it was for show:

Vice-President Biden is in town and among the tabouleh surrounding his visit he has said nothing new. The policy that US will tie aid to votes was reiterated and the standard we support no one expecpt for the people that we support…

Thus, the same dance between America and Iran is being played out in Lebanon. However, all we be pleased that the tempo is slower and although there is no love music the death metal has at last been put away.

The blogosphere also lit up when Der Spiegel came out with a report linking Hezbollah to the assassination of Rafik Hariri, a former prime minister. Many regarded the report with skepticism, including blogger Michael Totten:

Der Spiegel might be wrong, and, if not, UN investigators themselves might be wrong. I’m no fan of Hezbollah, but I need more evidence before I’m willing to say “Hezbollah did it.”

Even so, this could be an enormous bombshell in Lebanon where voters go to the polls in a few weeks.

The Der Spiegel story isn’t sourced, so it could be bogus. But NOW Lebanon reports that the UN spokesperson for the tribunal has “no comment.” I’d expect the spokesperson to deny the story if it were false. At this point, I’m willing to assume the UN really does think Hezbollah did it.

Photo courtesy of Flickr user Travel Aficionado under a Creative Commons license.