A Yemeni government tank used against Houthi rebels in the north. Photo: Al Jazeera video

For the past 15 years, Dwight Bashir has worked on international conflict, human rights and religious freedom issues. He is a senior advisor for an independent U.S. commission focusing on international religious freedom. The views expressed here are his own personal views.

A war of words is heating up between Iran and Saudi Arabia over an ongoing armed conflict in northern Yemen between Shi’a Houthi rebels and Yemeni security forces. This week, Iran accused Saudi Arabia of state-sponsored “Wahhabi terrorism” in Yemen, while the most senior Saudi cleric accused Houthi rebels of being backed by Iran to spread Shi’a Islam in “Sunni Islam’s heartland.”

Both Yemen and Saudi Arabia accuse Iran of providing financial and/or military support to the rebels. Iran denies any kind of support for the rebels.

The conflict in Yemen is complex — with numerous interlocking factors, such as underdevelopment, limited resources, tribal tensions, political exclusion and security concerns. Some have posited that the conflict is exacerbated by the fact that Iran and Saudi Arabia are engaging in a proxy war on Yemeni soil.

The truth is that for 30 years both Iran and Saudi Arabia have spent billions of dollars exporting competing religio-political ideologies in the region and globally, while committing egregious human rights violations at home to defend and bolster their respective ideologies.

Ever since Saudi Arabia entered the conflict two weeks ago after Houthi rebels crossed into Saudi territory from northern Yemen and allegedly killed two Saudi border guards, tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia have risen almost daily.

UN officials have estimated that, since 2004, as many as 175,000 people have been displaced in northern Yemen. And at least 240 villages in Saudi Arabia have been evacuated in recent weeks.

To better understand the conflict, it is important to understand religious demographics in Yemen. Between 40-45% of the Yemeni population of 23 million are Shi’a Muslims, mostly from the Zaydi school of Shi’a Islam founded more than 1,000 years ago.

Although Yemen’s majority is Sunni, Zaydi Muslims make up a majority of the population in the north where the fighting is taking place. In general, there are few societal tensions between Yemen’s Shi’a and Sunni Muslims.

The Yemeni government claims that Houthi rebels — considered a Zaydi militant group — have sought to develop a political faction modeled on Hezbollah in Lebanon, in order to undermine the government and impose Shi’a Islamic law. This is similar to how the Iranian government’s interpretation of Twelver Shi’a Islam is the law of the land in Iran.

The rebels follow the late Zaydi cleric, Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi (hence “Houthi rebels”). Al-Houthi is a former Yemeni parliamentarian who was killed during a 10-week rebellion in 2004 against the Yemeni government in the northern province of Saada, where the fighting started more than five years ago. The rebels claim they are fighting against government repression, although they have never articulated clear objectives, political or otherwise.

Despite both the Yemeni government and the Houthi rebels insisting that the conflict is not sectarian in nature, the Iranian government is doing everything it can to portray the conflict as two predominantly Sunni Muslim states, Yemen and Saudi Arabia, cooperating to massacre Shi’a civilians in Yemen. Despite the complexities, these Iranian claims are exaggerated, at best, and downright contrived at worst.

Some Zaydi Muslims in Yemen have been subject to discrimination and harassment for perceived or actual sympathy toward Houthi rebels. According to human rights groups in the region, some Zaydi Muslims not connected to the rebels have been inadvertently targeted by the Yemeni government.

Because Iran and Saudi Arabia have long been promoting competing religio-political ideologies, it is not surprising that both countries would fan the flames of sectarian warfare. Yemen is a fragile state with an active al-Qaeda presence that threatens regional security, and its government is fighting for economic and political stability.

To date, the international community has not played an active role in the conflict. With the spillover into Saudi Arabia, the international community must engage and help broker an end to the current crisis. If not, the conflict could quickly escalate and the region may be facing a new security reality that would likely have wider implications.

- Dwight Bashir

Martin Savidge hosts Gareth Jenkins, a British analyst and author, and Mustafa Akyol, a Turkish journalist, to discuss whether Turkey is leaning West or moving East. Some highlights from the conversation include:

• The ruling Justice and Development (AK Party) has been accused of being both too Islamist and too pro-Western
• Islamism in Turkey has more to do with values and identity than imposing Sharia law
• While Islam is more prominent in Turkey today, the paradox is that the Islamicization of Turkish society began with secularist military after the 1980 coup
• Turkey’s religious minorities feel more threatened by hard-line (secular) nationalists than the ruling AK Party
• It’s wrong to think that Turkey’s Islamist groups are posing threats to democracy while the secular groups are serving democracy — it’s not simply black and white
• On eroding relations between Israel and Turkey, when Israel bombed Gaza, Turks sympathized for the plight of the Palestinians and the level of anti-Semitic rhetoric rose in Turkey, but before the Gaza war, Turkey was trying to establish peace between Israel and Syria
• The Turkish government has not been critical of other ruling Muslim governments — like Sudan — for human rights abuses
• On Turkey’s increasing resentment toward the European Union, there have been racial and religious prejudices by prominent members France and Germany
• Do Arab countries fear a dominant neo-Ottoman Turkey in the Middle East? Or, is there a growing sympathy in the Arab world for Turkey asserting its Muslim identity?
• A Turkey that has prestige in the Muslim world and keeps its ties with West is good for peace and stability in the region

GUESTS:

Gareth Jenkins is a British analyst and author based in Turkey since 1989. His book Political Islam in Turkey: Running West, Heading East? was published last year, and his history of modern Turkey is forthcoming.

Mustafa Akyol is a Turkish journalist and a regular columnist for the Istanbul-based Hurriyet Daily News. His upcoming book on liberalism and Islam addresses the East-West divide. Having criticized both secularism and Islamic extremism, he has lectured extensively about faith, science and tolerance.

For more on Worldfocus’ coverage of Turkey:

• Watch the Worldfocus signature video: Rising Islamist groups challenge secularism in Turkey
• Read Do Islamist groups pose a threat to democracy in Turkey? by Dr. Ömer Taşpınar, the director of the Turkey Project at the Brookings Institution

Credits:
Host: Martin Savidge
Producers: Lisa Biagiotti and Ben Piven

Correspondent Gizem Yarbil and producer Bryan Myers report on how traditional religion and modern democracy are trying to coexist in Turkey today.

For more on secularism in Turkey:

• Read Do Islamist groups pose a threat to democracy in Turkey? by Dr. Ömer Taşpınar, the director of the Turkey Project at the Brookings Institution
• Tune in to Worldfocus Radio: Turkey torn between East and West where we examine push and pull factors

For more on Sufism in Morocco, read about the music, mysticism and moderation.

Watch Worldfocus’ signature video on Sufism in Morocco: An unusual weapon in the war against extremism.

Morocco owes its image of a modern Muslim nation to Sufism, a spiritual and tolerant Islamic tradition that goes back to the first generations of Muslims and has sustained the religious, social and cultural cohesion of Moroccan society for centuries. Sufism provides answers to some of the most complex issues in the contemporary Muslim world, where youth comprise the majority of the population.

Most Moroccans, young or old, practice one form of Sufism or another. As a deep component of the Moroccan identity, Sufism absorbs all members of society, regardless of age, gender, social status or political orientation.

Moroccan youth are increasingly drawn to Sufism because of its tolerance, its fluid interpretation of the Qur’an, its rejection of fanaticism and its embrace of modernity. Young men and women find in the Sufi principles of “beauty” and “humanity” a balanced lifestyle that allows them to enjoy arts, music and love without having to abandon their spiritual and religious obligations.

Sufi orders exist throughout Morocco. They organize regular gatherings to pray, chant and debate timely topics of social and political importance, ranging from the protection of the environment and social charity to the war on drugs and the threat of terrorism.

Moreover, Sufi gatherings inspire young people to engage in interfaith dialogue, highlighting the universal values Islam shares with Christianity and Judaism - such as the pursuit of happiness, love of one’s family, tolerance of racial and religious differences, and the promotion of peace.

Combined, Sufi seminars, chants and trances provide millions of Moroccans with a social medium where the fusion of the sacred and the secular, the soul and the body, and the local and the universal is both possible and enjoyable.

I recently asked Ahmed Kostas, an expert on Sufism and director at the Moroccan Ministry of Religious Affairs in Rabat, why this old spiritual tradition is so popular among modern youth.

“Progress and change,” he noted, “are basic tenets of Sufi philosophy.”

Sufis distance themselves from fundamentalists, whose vision of Islam is a strict and Utopian emulation of the Prophet Muhammad and his companions, by placing great emphasis on the community’s adaptation to the concerns and priorities of modern times. Sufis neither condemn unveiled women nor censure modern means of entertainment. For them, the difference between virtue and vice is determined on the basis of intent, not appearances.

Sufism is so diffuse in Moroccan culture that its role cannot be properly understood if reduced to a sect or shrine; it pervades even those musical trends labeled as “modern” or “Western.” Rai, as well as Moroccan versions of hip hop and rap, may seem too earthly or too sensual to be associated with Sufism, yet they draw on Sufi poetry to sing the primordial essence of the human body, the virtues of simplicity, and the healing gifts of Sufi saints, such as Sidi Abderrahman Majdub, Sidi Ahmed Tijani, and Sidi Boumediene-spiritual masters revered by their peers and disciples for having attained spiritual union with God during their earthly lives.

The impact of Sufism on youth culture is more explicit in the lyrics of the urban band Nass Al Ghiwan (pictured above)and the Saharan Gnawa musicians. These two groups have profoundly shaped Moroccan popular music since the 1970s. Ghiwan songs, informed by the hippie style of bands like the Rolling Stones and Pink Floyd, inspire many listeners to a physical response called shatha, a Sufi word that Moroccans use for modern dance.

Gnawa musicians, the descendants of African slaves brought to Morocco between the 12th and 17th centuries, produce a similar effect. Their music is a mix of religious lyrics deeply rooted in the oral tradition of sub-Saharan Africa and melancholic melodies reminiscent of American jazz and blues. The Gnawa performance centers on a spinning body and a high-pitched voice, rhyming poetic verses with Sufi chants in Arabic such as “There is no god but God, and Muhammad is his Messenger.” These same words are terrifying when they come from the mouth of the terrorist, but lift the soul when they are sung by pious Muslims, Gnawa and other Sufi-inspired musicians.

Even Fnaire (pictured above), the most recent hip hop band from Marrakech, identifies itself as a blend of Moroccan Sufi tradition and American rap.

In addition to Moroccans, thousands of young men and women from Europe, America and Africa flock to sacred music festivals organized every summer by Sufi movements throughout Morocco, to sing and celebrate their enthusiasm for life and their commitment to the universal values of peace. The scene at these festivals completely refutes the kind of image that extremists seek to convey to Muslim youth.

It is this fusion of Sufism and modernity that produces a unique aesthetic experience, which is attractive to Moroccan youth who reject extremism and uphold values of a shared humanity.

The decision prevents the female students from attending class and proceeding with their studies. Outlawed women contend that their personal freedom has been compromised.

Earlier this week, the head of the Islamic Al-Azhar Univeristy, Mohammed Tantawi, announced his intention to ban the niqab. An Egyptian lawmaker has called for the resignation of Tantawi, who also serves as the nation’s top religious authority. But the Minister of Higher Education defended the ban, saying that the decision was intended to protect the students.

Jamal El-Shayyal of Al Jazeera English reports from Cairo.

Should governments and other institutions rein in freedom of expression by dictating what people can wear?

Tell us what you think in the comments section below. Please remember to be respectful and on-point in your comments. Malicious or offensive comments will be deleted and repeat offenders will be banned.

Saudi Arabia’s “guardianship” system requires women to receive permission from their husbands to perform a host of daily activities.

Women in Saudi Arabia often face discrimination and violence, and the country’s “guardianship” system requires women to receive permission from their husbands to perform a host of daily activities.

Women also face obstacles when trying to obtain divorces. Islam allows men to have up to four wives at a time. A Worldfocus contributing blogger at the “American Bedu” blog speaks with a divorced Saudi woman now living in the United States for her perspective on polygamy.

Q: Your mother was a second wife. What was that like for you growing up? Did you and your siblings have any contact with your father’s first wife and children?

A: Yes, my mother was the second wife. We stayed in a different house, but same area, so I met Khala’s children regularly; also we go to school together. They are same as my brothers. We didn’t have much contact with Khala except when we went on trips or Eid’s or marriages. My step-siblings also came to my house with father sometimes. But my mother and Khala don’t talk much to each other. It was like any other family, I guess, except that my father had two wives.

Q: In your view, how accepting was your mother of being a second wife?

A: My father is from a well-known family. He was in a good position so when his sister/mom approached my mother’s father, they agreed, she has no choice. This is what I hear from her. She is sad always but initially, she says, it’s tough and then she adjusted by praying a lot and accepting that it’s only Allah’s wish. She always told me never to become anyone’s second wife.

Q: Because your father had two wives, two families, do you feel this impacted on the amount and quality of time he spent with you?

A: Father was busy so he didn’t spend [time] with us children too much except maybe vacations and holidays, on a daily basis our mother only took care of us a lot. I wish he had only one family, some days he comes home, but [the majority of time] he spent in Khala’s house as that’s where my grandmother also stays. So yes, we missed him a lot. So many days we were alone and to be fair so many days Khala and my step-siblings were alone. I sometimes felt why have a father when he’s there only 50 percent at best.

Q: Growing up as a child of polygamy, how did it affect your own views of marriage? And what about your siblings, did any of them also elect to have polygamous marriages?

A: I know Islam permits having four wives, but I wish it were not so. I have seen my mother suffer and I have suffered; my mother was not very happy with her married life. When she was young she said she had dreams of marriage and they were all gone. I did not want to accept polygamy in my marriage but again Allah has his plans for us. One of my brother[s] and one step-brother has two wives. The others all have only one family. I wanted to put in my marriage contract that I did not want a co-wife but that did not happen.

Q: [...] Tell us about your marriage. Was it arranged?

A: Yes, I had big dreams of studying to become a doctor, but that was not to happen. We got a proposal from a well-known family and my father does business with them also so it was arranged. I [told] my father I wanted to finish university and do some more studies, but he refused. I wanted to contact my two brothers — we were very close — but I couldn’t and they were not told also (since they both lived outside the country). My mother told me it is best not to go against the wishes of my father. [...]

Q: What can you share about your own personal experience and feelings when your husband chose to take a second wife?

A: I was broken. WeIl, I could not accept that happily — all my life I did not want that one thing in my marriage and it had to happen to me. We were married for such a short time and he said he fell in love with her and wanted to marry her. If I could I would have left the marriage. I could not agree to polygamy and that’s when the abuse started. I wish I had the courage then to stand up to him, but there are no options, everyone tells you to work it out and accepts Allah’s will , but it was hard, his family knew how I felt yet they never saw my side, we had arguments about polygamy, his rights, Islam etc., and then always it would end with it being permitted in Islam and my disobedience and hitting. I did everything he asked just I couldn’t get to accept a co-wife. I prayed and I was no one to deny him his right but my heart did not agree. But he married again and she came to live with us. I cried to my brothers here and mom but unfortunately he had taken a second wife by then and they told me to pray and try to be a good wife, but did not support me.

Q: Was it easy to get away from your husband and obtain a divorce?

A: No, it was very hard. I don’t wish it on anyone. I was afraid to tell anyone about the abuse for the shame; I was not permitted to go on my own. Even if I did where could I go. Luckily my step-brother and his family had moved to Riyadh and he heard about my marriage from Khala (I thank her for that). My father had suffered a stroke by then. My brother came to see me one day and saw my face all swollen –- my husband always never hits on my face but happened that time. [He] yelled at my husband, I think it was the first time a woman has questioned him and his faith [...] my brother simply told my husband that he will take me to stay with them and in [the] future my ex-husband will have to deal with him. This caused such a bad rift in our family to this day we are all not one. After that it was a nightmare; I don’t know where to begin or end, but my other brother came from England and together they both paid a large amount of money and got me a divorce and also [a] visa to another country where my aunt/uncle stayed. From there I came to the U.S. and have since settled here.

For more, see the “American Bedu” blog.

The views expressed by contributing bloggers do not reflect the views of Worldfocus or its partners.

Photo courtesy of Flickr user letsbook under a Creative Commons license.

Producer Rebecca Haggerty describes her experience interviewing Yassine for the Worldfocus signature story “Moroccan single moms cope with hostility, shame.”

Madame Nadia Yassine is not what I expect. We’ve arranged an interview with her in her role as the public face of a Moroccan social movement called Al-Adl wal Ihsane, translated variously as Justice and Spirituality and widely described as Islamist.

By the time we arrive at her home, we’re two hours behind schedule and it’s nearly 8:00 p.m. Yassine has two other visitors patiently waiting — a young British convert to Islam researching her doctoral thesis at Oxford, and a French photographer. This, I learn, is typical. As the charismatic female leader of a conservative Islamic group, Yassine frequently plays hosts to curious journalists and academics from the West. She chats with us in her salon, a traditional Moroccan receiving room furnished with long sofas and her original artwork. Her daughter, Amina Shabani, a graduate student and a fluent English speaker, translates from her mother’s assured French.

We’ve come to see Yassine in part because of her role as a leader of the protests against the reforms of Morocco’s family laws. Yesterday, we spent the day with Madame Aisha ech Channa, a passionate supporter of women’s rights — and the reforms — who has dedicated her life to supporting women shunned by their families after getting pregnant outside of marriage. I assumed that Yassine would oppose the work that Madame ech Channa does. But the reality, like so much in Morocco, is more complicated than it first appears.

“We are for abstinence, “ she affirms, dismissing Western sexual mores as irrelevant to Moroccan women. “But to be a Muslim is also to be a realist. I am against punishing single mothers, because these people are the victims.”

According to Yassine, 30 percent of her movement’s followers are women. Founded by her father, Sheikh Abdessalam Yassine, the group claims to be flourishing despite –- or perhaps because of — its opposition to the ruling elite. Four years ago, Madame Yassine faced criminal charges after publicly criticizing Morocco’s system of monarchy in a newspaper interview. Insulting the king remains a crime in Morocco, one that the government takes seriously. Last month, officials seized copies of a newsweekly that reported a public opinion poll on the King.

Ironically, King Mohammed VI holds a reputation as a moderate and a reformer, particularly when it comes to women. His sweeping reform of Moroccan family law in 2004 granted women greater rights than in many countries throughout the Arab world. But Yassine dismisses these and other reform efforts by the King as window dressing in a poor, closed society. Nearly 50 percent of Moroccan women can’t read – and the percentages climb even higher in rural regions . The concerns of most women, Yassine argues, remain largely economic and spiritual.

To her many critics among Morocco’s secular intellectuals, Yassine offers a disturbingly palatable version of fundamentalism that — if given a chance — would turn Morocco into a theocracy. Yassine counters by taking pains to avow her group’s commitment to non-violence. She also claims a “true” reading of Islam – including sharia, or Islamic religious law — in fact offers significant protection for women.

Yassine touches on a tricky area between secular feminists and Islam. According to a 2006 Gallup poll of women in the Muslim world, most Moroccan women believe sharia should be a source –- if not the only source –- of law in society. And the survey also reveals that while women throughout the Arab world admire many things about the West, including gender equity, they also disapprove of some aspects of women’s status here –- primarily the overtly sexualized images of movies, television and magazines. Freedom of expression may be laudable, but the West, after all, also provided the world with endless reruns of Baywatch.

This summer, Moroccan courts once again postponed Nadia Yassine’s trial. Presumably, the case will eventually settle. But the debate over women’s roles in Morocco seems likely to continue.

- Rebecca Haggerty

Hoda Osman reports from Morocco. Photo: Hoda Osman

Egyptian-American reporter Hoda Osman reported from Morocco on the Worldfocus signature story “Moroccan single moms cope with hostility, shame.” She writes about her own perceptions of equality and Islam.

As we prepared to air our piece on single mothers in Morocco, the case of the Sudanese journalist Lubna Hussein caught world attention and once again raised the issue of the treatment of women in Islam. Hussein was facing 40 lashes for wearing trousers, which was supposedly in violation of the country’s so-called “decency law.” On Monday, she was fined but given no lashes — probably as a result of the international attention the case received. Sudan claims to be following “Islamic Law.”

To many in the West, the case is another example of how Islam promotes subjugation and repression of women. To me it’s yet another example of something I’ve long concluded was Muslim women’s main problem, especially in the Arab world: Men’s manipulation of the interpretation of the religion and their abuse of it, as well as societal and cultural norms dictating what women can and cannot do

For centuries, Islam was used as an excuse to stop women from entering certain fields, to suppress them and make them believe they were inferior to men. It worked. Many Muslim women I’ve met throughout my life actually believed they were less important than their male counterparts and obligated to serve them.

I’ve read the Qur’an numerous times and spent time studying different interpretations of its verses. To me, the spirit of justice and equality are clear throughout its 114 chapters. Reading it always made me feel powerful, not helpless.

In the 1990s, small groups of Muslim women in different countries started fighting for rights they believed where given to them under Islam, but taken away by society. They decided to use the same weapon used against them. They went back to the religious text and reinterpreted it to prove that their religion honors and respects them and sees them as equal to men. The movement is sometimes referred to as “Islamic Feminism,” but the term is controversial.

Small accomplishments were achieved across the Muslim world. In Egypt, women were at the mercy of men to get a divorce and some spent years in limbo if the man refused to grant a divorce. In 2000, women finally got the right to divorce. Last year, Egyptian women who have children outside of wedlock also won the right to register them under their own name and without a marriage certificate, which is also the case in Morocco. In Kuwait, four women were elected to parliament for the first time last year. And in Bahrain, feminists are planning to debate the interpretations of Qur’anic verses for the first time.

While working on the stories for Worldfocus in Morocco, I was impressed by the tolerance and openness of the society — a result of the influence of Sufism on the culture, we were told by some.

But the status of women who had children outside of wedlock was no different than in any other Arab country. They were a source of shame, often outcast by society. You can’t blame religion or the law for that.

Whereas women and men are seen on equal foot by Islam when it comes to fornication, societies seem to be much more forgiving of men. Women who have sex outside of marriage, especially those who get pregnant and have children, face a myriad of problems and dangers as you will hear from them in the piece first hand. Even the woman who dedicated her life to helping those single mothers was the subject of a death threat by religious extremists.

To clarify, having sex outside of marriage is considered a sin in all Abrahamic religions: Judaism, Christianity and Islam. According to the Qur’an, the punishment for both man and woman is flogging. In my opinion, many of Islam’s harsh punishments are meant as deterrents rather than for actual implementation. For example, to prove that a man and woman had sex, you need four witnesses to step forward and say they actually saw the act, which is obviously nearly impossible.

Unfortunately, whereas the “Islamic feminists” have a tool –- the reinterpretation of the text -– that they use to try and free themselves of unwarranted restrictions, this story will show how much harder it is to change societal attitudes and cultural norms.

- Hoda Osman

For more coverage of women in Morocco, visit our Women in Islam extended coverage page.

A French Muslim woman wears a niqab in Paris.

Six years ago, I was looking for an apartment in the French capital. Searching for the 5-A buzzer, an American friend and I came across an old French man who thought we were trespassing.

“Vous allez faire un kamikaze?” he shouted, wondering whether we were about to blow up his building.

“Avez-vous un tapis de priere?” he asked in a southern French accent, assuming that we were Moroccans who carry prayer rugs.

We responded that we were just American students, despite our relatively swarthy complexions, and then he proceeded with an extremist anti-Arab rant.

This was my first exposure to virulent French racism and cultural insensitivity. His tirade echoed the xenophobia of the far-right Front National party, which had received 17 percent of the vote in France’s 2002 presidential election.

Today, France is still wracked by intolerance and Islamophobia, despite a long tradition of democracy and dissent. As France struggles to integrate second-generation North Africans who are largely clustered in poor neighborhoods on the outskirts of cities, the Islamic dress controversy continues to rage.

In July, a report by French newspaper Le Monde revealed that just 367 women wear the full Islamic veil in France. The figure makes French President Nicholas Sarkozy seem heavy-handed in his recent declaration that the niqab was “not welcome.” This piece of hard evidence, supplied by data from two domestic intelligence agencies, makes it unlikely that the center-right Sarkozy would pursue an absolute ban. The hyperactive leader is known for his pragmatism, and he doesn’t want to appear too extremist.

The report comes amid a French legislative commission’s investigation on the use of the full veil in public places. The panel seeks to address the style’s popularity, and it will make a recommendation about the usefulness of a ban.

But there is linguistic confusion about the full veil. The Islamic article of clothing in question is actually the niqab (originally from Saudi Arabia), rather than the burka (popular in Afghanistan). An explanatory diagram in Le Point shows the differences between the three primary types of Muslim veil.

An Egyptian woman in Alexandria wearing a Burqini.

The evolution of conservative Islamic fashion does not stop there. In mid-August controversy erupted at a Paris pool surrounding the “burqini,” a bathing suit designed by Australian company Ahiida to uphold the modesty of Muslim women.

An editorial accompanying the niqab statistic in left-leaning Le Monde criticized the need to “legislate for an exception” and further stigmatize French Islam. Declaring the niqab to be a phénomène ultraminoritaire (very rare phenomenon), the editorial recognizes that the several hundred women who wear the niqab are not sufficiently integrated into French culture.

The French are fierce defenders of their secular republic and will defend women’s rights against fundamentalist religious customs such as the veil. But there are disagreements about whether it would be helpful to legislate religious expression in the public sphere.

“We cannot accept that women be prisoners behind a screen, cut off from all social life, deprived of all identity,” said the French president in June, frustrating many cultural commentators such as a blogger at “Moor Next Door“:

The trouble the French may want to worry about is not the burqa as it is worn in France today, but that such a ban, as the headscarf ban has done, will make the garment a greater symbol of Muslim identity and sign of cultural defiance. France has done a good job at finding ways of alienating racial and religious minorities. Indeed, among Western nations it is a leader in this field. This is a quality that does little to further the assimilationist cause the French so actively pursue.

The Le Monde report indeed suggests that most of the 367 women in question are under 30 and wear the niqab to make an explicit political point to defy French society — and in some cases, rebel against their own families. The vast majority of French Muslims reject the full body veils, according to the French intelligence reports. Moreover, according to the French Council of Muslim Worship, wearing the niqab is a personal, cultural choice.

But, unlike the U.S., France values secularism even more than the right to free expression of religion. A “burka ban” would never pass muster in the U.S. But French politicians insist that they will not fight a second battle to separate church from the French state. The first church-state battle was with the Catholic church, from which the government legally separated in 1905.

In 2004, France received much criticism after banning the headscarf in public schools. The law was one of many factors that led to more than a month of civil unrest by minority youths across France in November 2005.

France has Europe’s largest Muslim population, estimated around 5 million. But France does not keep official statistics on race or religion, so this figure could easily be much higher. Regardless, just one in every 90,000 French women wear the full-body veil. And apparently one-quarter of them are converts to Islam.

One French Muslim organization that has been discouraging women to wear the full veil is Ni Putes Ni Soumises (Neither Whores Nor Submissives). Founded by Fadela Amara, a liberal Muslim woman of North African origin, the group promotes a modern combination of Islam and feminism.

Amara, now a minister in Prime Minister Francois Fillon’s right-leaning government, has become far more popular among politicians than among folks in la banlieue (working-class suburbs). Amara told Le Parisien last year:

The burka is a prison, it’s a straitjacket…It is not a religious insignia but the insignia of a totalitarian political project that advocates inequality between the sexes and which is totally devoid of democracy.

- Ben Piven

Photos courtesy of Flickr users I.Diabate and Giorgio Montersino under a Creative Commons license.

Russian President Dmitri Medvedev announced a pilot program that will introduce mandatory religious studies and secular ethics in Russian schools.

Students will choose between one of four religions — Russian Orthodoxy, Buddhism, Islam and Judaism — or courses in secular ethics. The program’s test phase will involve some 20 percent of Russia’s schools, with the stated goal of encouraging morals.

Since the collapse of the officially atheist Soviet Union, the Russian Orthodox Church has been gaining influence, and religious education has sparked protest.

Worldfocus contributing blogger Bruce Chapman, writing at Russia Blog, describes the controversy in Russia and compares it to related issues in the U.S.

A new Kremlin plan to teach students religion or secular ethics is meant to combat the aimlessness of youth.

Perhaps it will — to some extent.

The approach is probably unique — teach what is again the dominant state religion (Russian Orthodoxy) as the one acceptable Christian faith, and also teach — according to student desires — Islam (the religion of a sizable minority, particularly in the South), Buddhism or Judaism, and give the students the alternative of a coarse in secular ethics. It will seem fair to many, maybe most, Russians. It is quite different, obviously, from the “scientific atheism” of Soviet days.

The program will get a lot of criticism, however. First, the most eager evangelists in Russia today are probably the various kinds of Christian pentecostals, and there is a sizable Roman Catholic population in certain ethnic centers. So the government apparently is starting a new struggle with these groups in schools, of all places.

Then arises the question of how smart it is to have Islam taught in state schools. Who is going to teach it? What is going to be taught? Might the government find itself trying to deal with hostile Friday mosque sermons because of the kind of Islam it promulgates in the schools? Where does that lead? How will populations in areas where Islam is a majority faith react to state school classes that offer instruction as well in other faiths?

Regardless, the new Russian model is so jarringly different from what is on offer in the United States that it may be worth careful monitoring by Americans. We no longer provide much at all in schools of the old, slightly Protestant civic religion of yore. The struggle in the U.S. is over whether to allow any expressions of faith in schools, whether in Commencement speeches by students or in after-school religious clubs.

Overall, America has benefited by a general separation of religious instruction and public education, as in other fields. A state religion gets lazy. It becomes synonymous in students’ minds with state politics, which cannot be good.

On the other hand, there is something to be said for students learning more about the religious heritage of their country. If the Russians are erring on one side of that objective, Americans may be erring on the other. If nothing else, comparisons of results should be interesting.

One place where the outcomes may be studied closely is….China.

To read more, see the original post.

The views expressed by contributing bloggers do not reflect the views of Worldfocus or its partners.

Photo courtesy of Flickr user wonderlane under a Creative Commons license.

Are capitalism and Islam at odds?

Luv Puri is a journalist who has reported on the Jammu and Kashmir conflict from both sides of the Line of Control for The Hindu newspaper. Now in New York, he writes to explore how Muslim-American entrepreneurs reconcile the economic guidelines of their faith with the capitalist system in the U.S.

Shabir Mohammad Aziz came to New York City in 1988, with a burning ambition to become an entrepreneur in the United States. He was 22 years old, with a wife and two kids. Aziz’s family business had suffered huge economic losses and crumbled.

Aziz had a liking for perfumes and wanted sell perfume products. To become an entrepreneur in the United States, it was essential for him to follow the rules of a capitalist system — but some of the regulations were at odds with his religious beliefs. He was a devout Muslim and his religious beliefs prevented him from borrowing money on interest. Islam forbids all forms of interest; it is believed that interest involves both oppression and exploitation.

After a decade of hard work as a tailor in Brooklyn, Aziz almost had the seed capital required to buy a store on lease. In 1999, he spotted a store on sale for $100,000 in Brooklyn. A childhood friend living in the city agreed to pool the half of the sum. Even then, Aziz was short of $25,000. He could borrow the money on interest, but the religious stricture prevented that. As a last resort, he contacted his brother, who told him that he could give him the money without interest in three week’s time. On that assurance, Aziz borrowed money from a bank. He purchased the store and within a month returned the borrowed money to the bank without interest. His store, Dream Land, brought him a profit of nearly $200,000 in a year’s time.

Aziz’s story is emblematic of American Muslim entrepreneurship, successfully blending Islamic beliefs with the core capitalist system and free market economy. Even then, there is a widespread perception that Islam is at odds with the American economic system. Some view Islamic beliefs as medievalist and, therefore, not in conformity with that of the modern economic system.

Forty-eight-year-old Zafar Iqbal, a Pakistani immigrant who employs over 100 workers in his company, Carpet City, represents the successful blending of capitalism and devout Muslim faith. The son of a poor farmer, Iqbal’s company has become one of the most popular carpeting enterprises drawing clients from New York City and New Jersey.

“What I achieved here financially I could never dream anywhere else,” he says. “But more than that, my example demonstrates that it is possible to abide by Islamic principles and do business in a capitalist society. The two concepts are not antithetical.”

Islam has a social and economic code for its followers, and the Qur’an is their guidebook. Iqbal avoids lending money on interest. He possesses a checking account, but no saving account. This distinguishes him from many of his competitors. He even does not have a stock portfolio. But Islam also stresses the concept of equality and dignity of labour.

“My organization’s work ethics are based on Islam and therefore I lead by example. Many a time people in the organization are surprised when they see me doing hard labour just like any other co-worker,” Iqbal says. “But this is what my religion teaches me and I have no shame doing any sort of work even though I am the owner.” A fiercely competitive merchant, Iqbal incorporates the religious teachings of Islam in his business. 

Islam also encourages charity, a concept popularly known as Zakat. “It is incumbent on every Muslim to make contributions to the needy,” Iqbal says. “Besides making direct contributions to the needy, I have devised an organizational strategy which directly serves the purpose. For instance there are many within my organization that I have given employment not because of their ability but their respective need. This is my contribution to Zakat, though to other people it may seem to be an unwise business strategy.”

“Religions do not choke — it’s the follower’s interpretation which chokes. The very fact that Islam and American business ethics are not contradictory concepts clearly illustrates this,” he adds. 

- Luv Puri

The views expressed by contributing bloggers do not reflect the views of Worldfocus or its partners.

Photo courtesy of Flickr user borman818 under a Creative Commons license.

AUDIO: Jane Campbell, a spokeswoman for the U.S. Navy’s fifth fleet stationed in Bahrain, discusses the situation in Somalia and the Navy’s role in protecting ships.

People flee the Somali capital of Mogadishu, where Islamist forces have launched attacks against the government.

On Saturday, pirates seized a Saudi supertanker holding $100 million in crude oil —  the largest vessel ever hijacked by pirates, reflecting their boldness and heightened ambitions.

On Tuesday, the ship anchored in Harardhere, a pirate stronghold in Somalia.

As the piracy threat escalates — costing the maritime industry billions and putting the lives of hostages in danger — bloggers around the world are assessing the causes and asking what the international community can do.

The surge in piracy stems in part from violence onshore, where Islamist forces continue to fight a Western-backed government.

The U.S. supported Ethiopia’s 2006 intervention in Somalia, which helped end Islamist rule, but Ethiopian troops who once supported the transitional Somali government are now withdrawing.

“The Nairobi Chronicle” blog expresses frustration that “the international community does not see the link between piracy in Somalia and the impotence of the transitional government,” and blames the Western powers that helped oust the Islamist government.

A writer at the “East Africa Forum” blog says that pirates seek a lucrative alternative to the poverty and violence onshore, asking “Why stay on land and fight Ethiopia’s occupying forces (and for what?) when one can rule the seas for riches?”

The “Justus for All” blog writes that international bodies can mitigate piracy by addressing Somalia’s onshore issues.

The Islamist forces claim they can stop piracy, as they attempted to do during the brief period of rule by the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) in 2006.

David Axe of the “War is Boring” blog writes that given the current violence and piracy, some Somalis might welcome the return of Islamist control.

Frank Pope writes in an editorial for The Times Online that because shipowners see pirates as businessmen — with an emphasis on profit rather than violence — they are hesitant to arm guards, which could potentially lead to gun battles.

National governments, too, often prefer to pay pirates ransom. “The American Empire” blog argues that these governments and U.S. Navy act ”more like international lawyers than warriors” and argues that order can be restored through internationally coordinated military action — headed by China and the U.S., who both have interests in Africa.

The “Good Read” blog writes that international governments have been more successful in coordinating the fight against pirates in southeast Asia, urging swift resolution of military, legal and technical issues in Somalia.

For more on piracy and violence in Somalia, see our ongoing coverage.

Photo courtesy of Flickr user ISN Security Watch under a Creative Commons license.

About 10 percent of France’s population has African or Arab roots. Many speak of racism and discrimination — including derogatory name-calling from President Nicolas Sarkozy himself.

Today, the divide persists, as evidenced by further clashes between youth and police earlier this year.

Worldfocus correspondent Martin Seemungal travels to the town of Epinay, the site of violent riots three years ago, where tensions between the Arab and French populations still remain.

Below, bloggers from France and elsewhere discuss the riots and their roots.

In 2005, blogger Doug Ireland explored the historical and social roots of the riots.

Three years later, the “Johhny Come Latelies” blog writes that nothing has changed and the government’s promises are empty.

“Lauren’s Blog” says that the French media has virtually ignored the causes of the riots, comparing the lack of minorities in French news coverage to U.S. coverage of Hurricane Katrina.

The “BondyBlog” (in French) writes about social issues in the poor French suburb of Bondy, a site of past riots. See Google’s English translation, including a post about the identity crisis of French suburbs on the anniversary of the riots.

The blog’s founder, Frenchman Mohamed Hamidi, has been highly critical of Nicolas Sarkozy.

This year, the U.S. State Department began recruiting international visitors from poor French suburbs in an attempt to quell anti-American sentiment abroad.

Turkish immigrants began to enter Germany 50 years ago under a guest worker program, and brought Islam with them. Today, the country is home to 2.6 million Turks, who face challenges integrating with German society.

This year, for example, a fire in the German town of Ludwigshafen killed nine Turkish people and led to accusations of racially motivated violence.

But Germany’s 3.2 million Muslims — most of them Turks — are becoming more visible and vocal. On Oct. 25, the largest mosque in Germany opened in Duisburg. And there are plans to build more like it — sparking fierce debate in the country.

Worldfocus correspondent Martin Seemungal reports from Cologne, Germany — home to 120,000 Muslims — where the city’s first official mosque is pending constructing.

Below, bloggers weigh in on the Turkish-German immigration debate.

The “PoliGazette” blog writes about protests in Cologne, claiming that both immigrants and native Germans should acknowledge responsibility for their role in creating social problems before the society becomes more deeply divided.

The “Impudent Observer” blog writes about planned meetings of the German Pro Cologne group — a group opposed to the Islamic “invasion” of Europe — arguing that despite the demands of Islamic countries to put a stop to the meetings, repressing free speech would only encourage hate.

The “Jihad Watch” blog argues that the Islamization of Europe is a threat, and that equating anti-Islamization protesters to Nazis is misrepresentative.

As a signal of integration and trust among Turks and Germans, the first co-leader of the German Green Party with an immigrant background was elected on Saturday. Born to Turkish Muslim parents, Cem Ozdemir is now the highest-ranking Turkish politician.

A blogger at “A World View” writes that the Green Party has made a step in the right direction by electing Ozdemir, comparing the new leader to U.S. President-elect Barack Obama.

An opinion piece in the German news site “The Local” writes that comparisons of Ozdemir to Obama are unfounded, and that Germany still has a long way to go in easing Turkish-German relations. As the immigration debate heats up in Germany, mosques are popping up and Turkish immigrants are rising up through the political system. /files/2008/11/th_germany_immigratent.jpg /files/2008/11/th_germany_immigratent.jpg ]]> http://worldfocus.org/blog/2008/11/17/turkish-immigrants-cement-islam-in-germany/2729/feed/