Few, if any, humanitarian preparations have been made for the 150,000 civilians who have already fled the military’s campaign against 10,000 Taliban militants.

Imran Khan of Al Jazeera English reports on the humanitarian consequences of the Pakistani military’s newest campaign.

In recent days it has launched another deadly attack in the capital, Mogadishu, killing people as they were fasting during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan.

Meanwhile, thousands of displaced people continue to stream across the border into a large refugee camp in northern Kenya. The Dadaab refugee complex, with almost 300,000 people, is the largest refugee camp in the world and grows by about 8,000 Somalis a month.

Spencer Platt, a photographer for Getty Images, recently returned from a visit to the refugee camps in Kenya and shares his impressions of the camps.

Find more information at the Doctors Without Borders Web site.

Past aid distribution in Darfur. Photo: United Nations

Sudan has agreed to allow aid agencies to return to the violence-ridden Darfur region, a move that received praise from the United Nations.

However, Sudan’s minister of humanitarian affairs said the 13 aid agencies that were expelled in March — after the International Criminal Court ordered the arrest of Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir – will not be allowed back.

Rob Crilly is a freelance journalist based in Nairobi who has written for The Times, The Irish Times, The Daily Mail, The Scotsman and The Christian Science Monitor. Crilly’s blog “African Safari“ appears on the blog network “From the Frontline,” where he criticizes the arrangment.

Aiding and Abetting Khartoum

So you are an NGO recently expelled from Darfur. Over the years the government in Khartoum restricted your operations in the field, kicked out your country director and a security officer, whom the regime accused of being a Mossad agent. Then, just when you are wondering how you can ever actually help the millions of people that depend on your aid, the government expels you altogether. Overnight your operation is shut down, cars impounded and computers seized. Hundreds of Sudanese staff lose their jobs at a stroke and your international workers are treated as criminals as they are put on flights out.

Not all your staff can leave though. One or two have to stay behind to shut things down and help the government take all the good bits of kit. The government also demands you pay six months wages to the local staff. It is made crystal clear that the internationals left behind will not be allowed to leave until millions of dollars in “severance pay” is handed to the government. The internationals are effectively hostages held for ransom. They have at least got their passports back - but no exit visa. They are trapped.

Would you, given these circumstances, ever consider returning to a country that has done all this? Particularly if the deal essentially involved you changing your name thus admitting that you were at fault? Would you want to scale all your operations back up, invest millions of dollars, knowing that Khartoum can kick you out again whenever they fancy?

This is essentially the position Care, and three other American agencies find themselves in. I understand that the IRC, Oxfam and MSF have heard that they will never again be welcome in Sudan. (In some ways that is to the agencies’ credit). But the other agencies have got Scott Gration, Barack Obama’s new Sudan envoy, to thank for one of the most pathetic, weakminded deals I have ever encountered.

To read more, see the original post.

The views expressed by contributing bloggers do not reflect the views of Worldfocus or its partners.

Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse and his military chiefs. The president announced that the Tamil Tiger separatists would be completely routed in a matter of days. Photo: United Nations/IRIN

Sri Lanka’s government continues its battle against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and has made gains, but the conflict is killing 40 civilians every day.

The Tamil Tigers have long fought for an independent state for Sri Lanka’s Tamil ethnic minority, and held a stronghold in the north. Fighting in Sri Lanka has been more deadly than that in Afghanistan.

The United Nations and Red Cross have urged combatants to allow civilians to leave, but there may be from 100,000 to 350,000 civilians in the conflict zone. The government has restricted access for journalists and aid workers.

A Worldfocus contributing blogger at “The East Asia Forum” explains how the conflict originated and what the future holds for Sri Lanka’s government and the Tamil community.

The conflict in Sri Lanka

The ongoing conflict between the Tamil Tigers (LTTE) and the Sinhalese-dominated government has kept Sri Lanka in civil war for the last 27 years.

A designated terrorist group, the LTTE are accused of assassinating top political leaders including an Indian Prime Minister, a Sri Lankan President and a Sri Lankan presidential candidate. The LTTE has also assassinated many moderate Tamil leaders, making the conflict more than just ‘ethnic’.

In 2002, when a ceasefire was declared, the LTTE were at their strongest. They ran a de facto state complete with their own taxation system, courts, police and passport control. In addition to commanding ground cadres, the LTTE controlled a naval unit and a small airforce. Further, the Sri Lankan government funded schools and hospitals in LTTE controlled areas.

The political landscape shifted dramatically after the election of President Rajapaksa in November 2005. After the new Government invested large amounts of money in the military, and the LTTE attempted to assassinate both the defence secretary and the army commander, the country was again at war by 2007, even with the peace process still officially in place.

From a military perspective, the gains made by the government security forces have been extraordinary. The LTTE are currently restricted to less than 250 square kilometers of land, after controlling more than 18,000 square kilometers in 2006. In the country’s recent Independence Day celebrations, President Rajapaksa claimed the war would be over within days. Nevertheless, the army commander concedes that the LTTE may revert to guerilla warfare and that pockets of resistance are likely to remain.

Politically speaking, what does these recent developments mean? There is a strong possibility that elections will be called in the near future and if so, the incumbent party is likely to win with a strong mandate. Moreover, the potential end of Asia’s longest war is predicted to trump voter concerns about the economy, accusations of human rights violations by the military, the murder and harassment of journalists and alleged corruption in government institutions.

A major concern will be the plight of the Tamils. If the LTTE are eliminated as a politico-military force, then there is the potential that the government will not adequately address their grievances.

To read more, see the original post.

The views expressed by contributing bloggers do not reflect the views of Worldfocus or its partners.

The rebel group has long fought for an independent state for Sri Lanka’s Tamil ethnic minority, and held a stronghold in the north.

The fighting has trapped about 250,000 Tamil civilians, and the United Nations and Red Cross have urged combatants to allow civilians to leave.

The “Kalugu” blog in nearby India discusses a shift in Indian public opinion surrounding Sri Lanka’s war, arguing that support for the Tamil Tigers has recently grown enormously due to humanitarian abuses by the Sri Lankan government.

Previously, both the Tamil Tigers and Sri Lankan government have been criticized for the humanitarian consequences of their offensives.

YouTube user “TROKilinochchi” highlights the civilian crisis and posts this video from Sunday’s government attacks on Visuvamadhu and Theravil.  Viewer discretion is advised.

The “DefenceNet” blog reports that civilians fleeing a rebel stronghold in the coastal area of Challai have been attacked by Tamil forces.

The Associated Press and other news agencies report that 300 are dead and 1,100 injured, but the casualty figures are in contention. The source for these figures, government health official Thurairajah Varatharaja, now claims that he never made such estimates, a denouncement published by the Sri Lankan ministry of defense on its official website.

Blogger “Derek Barry” reminds readers that three reporters critical of the government’s anti-Tamil offenses have been killed this month — perhaps part of the “information war” in Sri Lanka.

The BBC spoke with five Sri Lankans on Monday to get their thoughts on events.

Some have blamed the crisis on the policies of President Robert Mugabe.

Ann Veneman, the executive director of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), recently returned from Zimbabwe and joins Martin Savidge to discuss efforts to combat the epidemic, UNICEF’s role in Zimbabwe and the relationship between Zimbabwe’s political impasse and its deteriorating health sector.

Additional footage: UNICEF

After 20 days of war, the death toll has surpassed 1,100 and thousands more have joined the endless lines for food. Relief agencies like UNRWA have struggled to meet the basic needs of those in the region.

A new weapon has also been introduced into the conflict: The smokescreen artillery shell. Some say it contains phosphorus, though the Israeli army denies that claim.

Andrew Whitley, the head of the New York office of the UNRWA office for Palestine refugees, joins Martin Savidge to discuss the current humanitarian situation, the U.N. compound and the use and legality of phosphorus in artillery shells.

The One Laptop Per Child program (OLPC) launched in Rwanda in October with the aim of providing computer access to the country’s 2.3 million schoolchildren. President Paul Kagame has supported the program and efforts to expand schooling and educational resources in the country.

Worldfocus correspondent Martin Seemungal travels to Rwamagana, Rwanda — once a site of the country’s 1994 genocide, now the site of technological transformation.

Below, read what bloggers are saying about the laptop initiative from Rwanda to Peru.

Blogger “Brian,” an OLPC intern, posts his account of bringing laptops to children in Kigali, Rwanda.

Blogger “DSD” — another OLPC intern — writes from Ethiopia, describing how the laptops excite children in the country’s bare schools.

From Peru, blogger “Ivan Krstić” returns to the town of Arahuay one year after OLPC brought laptops to children there, writing that despite his skepticism, the program has brought about real change.

However, some bloggers express continued doubts about the OLPC program’s effectiveness.

The “Hyper Edge” blog argues that money could be better spent on food and infrastructure projects.

The “Thoughts on Freedom” blog writes from Australia that the program is flawed, as it does not take into account long-term maintenance costs and more pressing needs in rural communities.

The price of the so-called “$100 laptop” has in fact grown to over $188 in past years, though OLPC plans to introduce a newly-designed laptop at a cheaper price by 2010.

AUDIO: Dele Olojede, a Nigerian journalist, Pulitzer Prize winner and former foreign editor of Newsday, joins Martin Savidge from Lagos, Nigeria, to discuss Robert Mugabe’s situation, the role of other African nations in Zimbabwe and the country’s future.

The cholera crisis in Zimbabwe prompted President Robert Mugabe to give his own assessment of the outbreak, claiming there was ”no cholera.” 

The United Nations reports more than 16,000 cases of cholera and almost 800 deaths.

Mugabe also launched a counterattack against world leaders and those who say he should resign or be removed. 

Read more about the cholera epidemic in Zimbabwe and calls for Mugabe to step down in our previous Blogwatches.

AUDIO: Manuel Lopez, head of a Doctors Without Borders mission in Zimbabwe, joins Martin Savidge from Harare to discuss the spread of the disease, Zimbabwe’s health sector and efforts to end the epidemic.

The situation in Zimbabwe continues to collapse, and international aid workers are struggling to provide even the most basic medical care to tens of thousands of people.

At least 775 have now died due to the country’s outbreak of cholera, and another 16,141 are infected. Some have sought treatment in neighboring countries, and the disease has spread to South Africa.

Read more about the cholera epidemic and political strife in Zimbabwe in our previous Blogwatches.

The United Nations estimates that 3.25 million Somalis, or 43 percent of the population, will require food aid until the end of the year.

The number of Somalis requiring humanitarian assistance doubled in 2008 and continues to climb. Aid workers have also come under fire. As of Oct. 27, 30 aid workers had been killed and another 10 kidnapped.

Zam Zam Abdullahi Abdi once counseled victims of violence at a hospital in Mogadishu run by the Africa Union Peacekeeping Mission in Somalia — coming face to face with women and children who face rape and deadly beatings. She left Somalia after receiving death threats, and now joins Martin Savidge to discuss Somalia’s plight.

Photos by Abukar Albadri

Haiti was hit hard by Hurricane Ike.

A school partially collapsed in Haiti today, the second in a week. Nine people were injured in the collapse and no one was trapped inside.

Last week, another school collapsed and killed at least 94. Officials admitted that the building had been rebuilt after starting to collapse earlier, renewing concerns about Haitian infrastructure.

Four hurricanes hit Haiti within the span of 30 days this summer, killing hundreds and leaving many cities uninhabitable and buildings destroyed.

The “Operation Green Leaves” blog discusses hurricane relief and urges the Haitian government to prioritize basic infrastructure to curb the impact of natural disasters, warning that international aid and celebrity attention are waning.

Ben Terrall of “Haiti Analysis” writes about widespread questions swirling around hurricane relief efforts, including a statement from Doctors Without Borders that blasted international response.

“The Haitian Blogger” strongly criticizes the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) in the aftermath of the first school collapse, and blames the U.S. for destabilization after the bloody ouster of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 2004.

The U.S. has sent search and rescue teams to the site of the first school collapse, but there are increasing calls to give Haitians temporary protected status (TPS).

Mark Schneider of the International Crisis Group writes at “World Politics Review” that TPS should be granted, and that the U.S. should be more involved in reconstruction efforts — pointing to comparitively large aid to Central America in the aftermath of Hurricane Mitch a decade ago.

Photo courtesy of Radio Nederland Wereldomroep under a Creative Commons license.

Michael Kavanagh reporting from The Democratic Republic of Congo. Photo: Taylor Krauss

Michael J. Kavanagh is a journalist with the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting. He returned from The Democratic Republic of Congo last week and answers questions from Worldfocus viewers on the crisis in eastern Congo.

A lot of really interesting questions, I have to say — thank you. It makes me feel really hopeful that people are starting to understand DR Congo more and more.

I’m going to group questions into three themes: History of the conflict, rebel fighting in Congo and the humanitarian crisis.

HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT

Q. Is this a Hutu/Tutsi conflict spilling over from Rwanda?

Michael Kavanagh: Let me start by talking about group identity in eastern Congo, which is incredibly difficult to wrap one’s head around.

This is not a Hutu/Tutsi conflict, per se. This is a political and economic conflict in which group identity is manipulated by opportunistic politicians and military leaders for their own political/military/economic ends.

There are at least a dozen tribal groups in eastern Congo, and even among those groups, there are local/regional differences that cause people of the same group to support different sides in the conflict (or none at all).

In Congo – like anywhere in the world, including Rwanda – identity is a fluid thing and at any one time a person might choose to ally himself/herself to any group that is part of his/her identity. This includes church, party, family, clan, tribe, village, profession and any other number of things that have a purchase on how we conceive of who we are.

For the last 15 years, Congolese Tutsis, the Tutsi-led government of Rwanda, and a group of other Congolese allied with these two groups – mostly Congolese Hutu but also supporters from other tribes – have had an enormous amount of power in eastern Congo. They own vast amounts of land, they own mines and cattle and hotels and are captains of industry. Some of this wealth came legally over decades, some of it came extra-legally during the wars that started in 1996 when Rwanda invaded Congo.

For many years, these men (they’re mostly men) were backed by the significant military might of Rwanda and their allied army in eastern Congo, the RCD (don’t worry about the name – it doesn’t exist anymore). But in spite of their enormous military and economic power, they make up a very small part of the Congolese population. So when the war ended and elections took place in 2006, Congolese Tutsi and their allies essentially lost all their electoral power.

There was legitimate fear that much of their economic power might be at risk, both because of the corruption of the Congolese government and lingering animosity towards Rwanda and its Congolese supporters in the east after years of war between the two countries. Seeing no political avenues to ensure their power, these men instead chose to exploit legitimate grievances – the continued presence of Rwandan Hutu génocidaires in Congo (FDLR), 40,000 Congolese Tutsi refugees in exile in Rwanda and anti-Tutsi sentiment – as a justification to taking up arms and force their way into politics to protect their interests.

This is a thumbnail sketch of why war continues in the Kivus.

Q. Who’s supplying weapons?

Rebel leader, General Laurent Nkunda. Photo: Michael J. Kavanagh

Michael Kavanagh: The Congolese government has typically supplied FDLR (the Rwandan Hutus), though it’s no longer overt (the FDLR are considered a terrorist group by the U.S.). The government of Congo also works openly with many local militia groups.

Interestingly, General Laurent Nkunda also gets most of his weapons from the government of Congo – by stealing them.  There’s some evidence that some supplies come from Rwanda as well (or at least Rwandan sympathizers.)

Q. Most often in Africa, extractive resources are being fought over. Is that a factor here?

Michael Kavanagh: You can never reduce any conflict to one variable but you’re right that many conflicts in Africa (and elsewhere: e.g., Iraq) have a component that is related to fighting over an extractive industry or other natural resources. In this case, Congo is full of minerals and fertile land and economics plays a huge role in the perpetuation of this conflict, even if we’re not always talking about an extractive industry.

Q. Why would the Congolese government support Hutu militias?

Michael Kavanagh: The best way to answer this question is to begin by clarifying it: Why is the Congolese government supporting Rwandan Hutus? Because the FDLR are primarily Rwandan Hutus who came to Congo as refugees after the Rwandan genocide in 1994.

The alliance is more political than tribal – the FDLR were important allies of Congo in the second Congolese war (1998-2003), which pitted Tutsi-led Rwanda against the Congolese government led by current President Joseph Kabila’s father, Laurent Kabila.

For the time being, Congo’s government and the FDLR have similar interests: Certain economic ventures and diminishment of Rwanda’s power in the region. If their interests diverge, the alliance between Congo and the FDLR attenuates quite quickly.

But to expand, there are many Hutus in eastern Congo who are not Rwandan – they are, in fact, the largest single identity group in the conflict zone in North Kivu. Some have joined the FDLR or sympathize with them. Many, if not most, have/do not.

Congolese Hutu identity is complicated by several factors – on the one hand, they’ve been historically discriminated against by the Congolese state as foreigners who speak Kinyarwanda (the language of Rwanda), just like Congolese Tutsis. As a result, there have been important ties between Congolese Hutus and Tutsis and there are many Hutus who are fervent supporters of Nkunda.

On the other hand, many Congolese Hutu were killed by the Tutsi-dominated Rwandan army in the Congo wars starting in 1996 in reprisal for the genocide. It’s a part of the Rwandan genocide story that has yet to fully be documented, but it’s part of the historical memory of many Congolese and Rwandan Hutus.

In part because of their alliance during those wars, many eastern Congolese feel affinity for Hutus and vice versa as their tribal brothers, and they say Tutsis are from a different tribal lineage.  This is genetically and historically very dubious, but many Congolese believe it.

My most interesting conversations in eastern Congo are often with Hutus explaining why they support whatever group they support, because it’s often a decision grounded in a very personal – not group – history.

REBEL FIGHTING IN CONGO

UN vehicles patrol the streets of Rutshuru. Photo: Michael Kavanagh

Q. Who are the rebels? Are they primarily educated members of the middle class, like the mujahideen in Afghanistan? Or are they victims of economic devastation?

Michael Kavanagh: The CNDP rebels are a mix of dairy farmers/cattle herders, hardcore believers in combating Tutsi oppression, demobilized Rwandan professional soldiers, and forcibly recruited cadres from Congolese Hutu communities and from Rwanda’s working class. They primarily speak Kinyarwanda and the leaders are generally Tutsi (who fought with the Rwandan Patriotic Army in the 1990s).

Many of the leaders are relatively well educated – like RPA, CNDP has always stressed education, training, discipline.  Are they middle class?  It’s hard to say if there is such a thing as a middle class in Congo – even those who aren’t subsistence farmers aren’t particularly well off.  However, many of the CNDPs most fervent supporters are extremely well-off Tutsis who own a lot of land and cows and see the CNDP as their protectors.

Q. What is the involvement of Muslims in this conflict? Which of the protagonists are primarily Muslim?

Michael Kavanagh: Very little/none. Congolese are mostly Catholic and Christian. Nkunda himself is Christian. When I was last with him in late February he was wearing a pin that said “Rebels for Christ.”

Q. I’ve read that one of the big issues being contended is a big deal to give China mineral access in return for transportation systems. Is this cause related to those of groups like MEND?

Michael Kavanagh: Yes – Congo’s president Kabila has sold off huge mineral contracts to China in exchange for infrastructure construction.  This is one of the topics that Nkunda wants to discuss with the president directly, if he ever gets that chance (I’m not sure what he wants to say, however).  There’s an impressive Fast Company article, China Invades Africa, that talks about China’s influence in Congo if you’re interested.

As far as I know, there are no links between CNDP and MEND.  CNDP and MEND come from slightly different places politically and economically – some Tutsis already have a lot of economic power and they’re protecting it; MEND is trying to get Nigeria and the oil companies to redistribute economic power more equitably.

Q. Who benefits from the situation over there, and are the mobs being manipulated to anyone’s advantage?

Michael Kavanagh: A lot of people.  Some Congolese and FDLR rebel commanders and some Congolese army commanders have stakes in mines.  Anyone who trades on the black market in minerals benefits.  Businessmen who are exploiting the national park that CNDP controls benefit.  Rwanda benefits to some extent though less so than in the past – they have proxies in eastern Congo in the mines and many Rwandans keep cows in eastern Congo.

Finally, yes – the mobs are manipulated by the government against the UN, against the CNDP, and against Tutsis.  It’s a dangerous game, since MONUC is supposed to protect the population and genuinely tries to, and one of the main justifications for CNDP’s continued existence and Rwanda’s interest in the region is exactly this anti-Tutsi sentiment.

HUMANITARIAN CRISIS

A medical center in Kashuga, which was ransacked a month ago. Photo: Michael Kavanagh

Q. What are the conditions of the hospitals/medical centers like? Are they being ransacked as well? I imagine with the current health condition, it would be important for medical help to reach into the villages/homes. Is any of that going on?

Michael Kavanagh: I’ve traveled throughout the region with doctors from Heal Africa and Doctors Without Borders. Health centers in North Kivu are horribly equipped – they’re located in remote areas that are hard to access and supply.  They often don’t have electricity or running water. When you hear about 5 million people dying in the Congolese wars, most of those deaths are a result of inadequate medical care.

Armed groups often ransack medical centers immediately – they need the supplies for their troops. There are a few decent hospitals in Goma, and a few others staffed by Doctors without Borders in North Kivu.  There’s also one in the heart of Nkunda’s territory run by a doctor and his wife, who is also a doctor – both are extremely influential in Nkunda’s movement.  Nkunda’s soldiers also get medical care in Rwanda.

Q. Is sufficient food still available to families in South Kivu? And, please estimate how much basic food costs have increased in South Kivu in recent months.

Michael Kavanagh: I’m less familiar with the situation in South Kivu – I haven’t been there for an extended trip since 2006.  The leaders of the peace process are much more optimistic about peace holding in South Kivu.  In terms of food availability and pricing: food prices have gone up in Congo as they have everywhere in the world, and that’s been very difficult for Congolese families. A lot of food for the region comes from North Kivu, and the fighting there has made prices rises more than normal.

I can’t give an estimate on costs — sorry!

Q. What can ordinary people here in the U.S. do to give support? I read recently that the UN was likely to send 17,000 additional peacekeepers. I also read a conflicting report which seemed to indicate that the UN was not decisive. Will you be going back there soon?

Michael Kavanagh: There are already 17,000 peacekeepers throughout Congo, so the UN mission in Congo is asking for more.

As for what you can do…keep reading – forward stories around to your friends. Write two lines to your congresspeople saying you care. Donate to organizations that do good work there – in North Kivu there are the Congolese organizations Heal Africa, SOPROP, Synergy des Femmes – these all deal with human rights and health. Internationally, International Rescue Committee and Doctors without Borders (MSF) do fantastic, brave work in Congo.

Finally, and MOST IMPORTANTLY, click on every single Congo story you see and email it to friends. Editors notice how many hits different stories get, and that’s what will let me go back there –- if editors realize people actually care, they’ll shell out the money to let journalists like me cover this disaster with the depth it deserves.

Thanks all.

- Michael J. Kavanagh

AUDIO: Scott Baldauf, a correspondent for The Christian Science Monitor in Africa, tells Martin Savidge that anyone with a cell phone has ties to Congo given the country’s rich resources.

Congolese minerals are found in cell phones, laptops and other electronics around the world.

The ongoing crisis in eastern Congo is partly fueled by contested mineral resources — the country is rich in copper, diamonds, cobalt, petroleum, gold, silver, zinc and coltan.

Rebel militia leader Laurent Nkunda recently denounced the Congolese government for a $9 billion deal with Chinese companies to extract 10.6 million tons of copper and 626,000 tons of cobalt.

The “Harper in DRC” blog provides advice for consumers concerned about their products, arguing that Hewlett Packard and Apple, among other companies, are not as socially responsible as they claim to be.

The “Gustavian Weekly” blog writes that people are using “blood cell phones” and urges more awareness.

Alison Raphael of OneWorld writes about a boycott of cell phones to protest the Congolese war.

David in Congo writes, “The country is rich in minerals but around me I see rubble,” describing the panic on the ground.

See Consumer International’s report on coltan, a mineral found in cell phones. Eighty percent of the world’s coltan comes from eastern Congo.

Below, the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting outlines the role of coltan in Congo’s civil war. See Pulitzer Center reporter Michael Kavanagh’s answers to Worldfocus viewer questions about the crisis.